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July 2, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: The hallmark of a person

Abe Novick: Up, up, and aliya

July 1, 2009

Rabbi Avi Shafran: The Road Taken

The Kosher Gourmet by Marialisa Calta: Get into the holiday spirit with these Star-Spangled desserts

June 30, 2009

Rabbi Binyomin Ginsberg: What makes a great parent?

Caroline B. Glick: Ideologue-in-Chief

June 29, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Beware of 'Caveat Emptor'

Steven Emerson: ACLU pushing for more money for Hamas

June 26, 2009

Rabbi Yoni Posnick: Learn the secret to a healthy marriage from a scriptural villain

Caroline B. Glick: Barack Obama vs. International Law

June 25, 2009

Rabbi Shimon Apisdorf: The Absurd Power of Truth

Jordan "Gorf" Gorfinkle's strip: Everything's Relative

June 24, 2009

Rabbi Yonason Goldson: Advancement of technology is a wake-up call for humanity

The Kosher Gourmet by Andrea Weigl: Summer on a stick: Making frozen treats can be easy, creative and fun

June 23, 2009

Martin M. Bodek: 'On Surnames': And so, We Begin

Caroline B. Glick: The Obama Effect

June 22, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Working for a corrupt firm

N. Richard Greenfield : Where are American Jews?

June 19, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: Emotion v. intellect

Caroline B. Glick: Israel's rare opportunity

June 18, 2009

Jonathan Rosenblum: Sometimes it is more essential to define the nature of evil than good

Jordan "Gorf" Gorfinkle's strip: Everything's Relative

June 17, 2009

Rabbi Yonason Goldson: The Language of Confusion

The Kosher Gourmet by Linda Gassenheimer: Nothing pleases Dad more than a thick, juicy onion-smothered steak. Add home-Baked Potato Chips and …

June 16, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Career v. Careersism

Caroline B. Glick: Obama's losing streak and Israel

Richard Z. Chesnoff: ‘Palestinians’: Never Missing an Opportunity …

June 15, 2009

Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu: How Judea and Samaria can become 'Palestine'

Daniel Pipes: Where Netanyahu's speech failed

June 12, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: Some big thoughts about not acting so big

Caroline B. Glick: Obama's High Commissioner

June 11, 2009

Victor Davis Hanson: Our historically challenged President

Mitch Albom: Beware the True Believers

Lewis Grossberger: What we learn from the new Hitler photos

June 10, 2009

Mort Zuckerman: What Obama and his advisors won't -- or refuse to -- grasp about Israel and the Muslim world

The Kosher Gourmet by Steve Petusevsky Lotsa pasta: Tips, techniques and (amazing) taste

June 9, 2009

Anne Bayefsky: Obama's stunning offense to Israel and the Jewish people

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.: America's first Muslim president?

June 8, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Merchant must take responsibility for careless shopper?

Mark Steyn: A superpower that feeds on mediocrity cannot survive for long on leftovers from the past

Richard Z. Chesnoff: How do you say 'kumbaya' in Arabic?

June 5, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: In quest of spirituality

Caroline B. Glick: Obama's Arabian dreams

Charles Krauthammer: The Settlements Myth

June 4, 2009

Paul Greenberg: The War Comes to Little Rock

The Kosher Gourmet by Judy Hevrdejs: Splash it on! Tap your inner jazz musician and improvise when stirring up a vinaigrette

June 3, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Q. Should terrible teacher be exposed?

Jonathan Rosenblum: The Israel Lobby: Missing in Action

June 2, 2009

Dennis Prager: The Speech President Obama Won't Dare Give in Egypt

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.: Pressure on Israel raises war risk

Oct. 29, 2003
Mortimer B. Zuckerman: Graffiti On History's Walls (MUST-READ!)

Jewish World Review May 10, 2005 / 1 Iyar, 5765

Filibusters: The Sandbox Rules

By Tony Snow

Tony Snow
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http://www.JewishWorldReview.com | Pressure operates differently on different substances. It reduces coal to diamonds, and politicians to goo. Consider the predicament of the United States Senate, where the honorables have come unglued.


Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid smoked a cherry bomb over the weekend when he told a group of high school juniors that the president was "a loser." Then, emboldened by chortling 16-year-olds, he ad-libbed an apology, not to the president, but to Karl Rove, whom he cast as the real power behind the throne.


As the teens filtered out of the room, the top-ranking Democrat in Washington no doubt began thinking, "What did I just say??!" whereupon he phoned an abject apology to an empty White House (the president is overseas) and released the following statement: "I regret my poor choice of words today, and I have called the White House to apologize. Over the years the President and I have had our share of disagreements, but we've always maintained a respectful and courteous relationship. We owe it to the American people to work as well as we can together on their behalf."


Meanwhile, Republican senators began speaking in tongues and writhing on the floor because they have come to realize that they soon will face a fateful choice: They must decide what they cherish more — back slaps from Democratic colleagues or the cherished traditions of the United States Senate.


At issue in both cases — Reid's and the fretting Republicans — is the fact that Democrats have used the filibuster to prevent the Senate from confirming candidates nominated by the president for high-level judgeships. This has never happened before, and it shatters the longstanding precedent of letting presidents pick the men and women who will fill judicial vacancies.


Many Republicans are ready to lay down the law now. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist recommended a rule that would guarantee a floor vote for every judicial nominee — and prevent the Senate Judiciary Committee from killing nominations by dragging its feet. Both parties accuse the others of practicing this perfidy in previous Congresses. It also provides for what amounts to unlimited floor debate about any nominee, and guarantees the filibuster's free and unfettered use on any other piece of Senate business.


This seems eminently reasonable, but Democrats summarily rejected it. The showdown in turn has focused attention on a handful of GOP senators, who don't want to take sides. Leading the Hamlet Caucus is Nebraska Sen. Chuck Hagel. Hagel fears the Frist proposal will "limit minority rights" in the Senate by hobbling the filibuster. This is a reasonable argument: Senators cherish their traditions, and the filibuster was improvised as a way of making it possible for minority parties to ensure that the world's greatest deliberative body took its time in mulling over important legislative issues.


But note an important distinction: The practice was designed for internal Senate business - not matters involving coequal branches of government — such as the approval of judges. No one ever has filibustered a treaty or a cabinet nomination, or any of the other bits of business in which the legislative branch attempts to advise, consent, check or balance the White House. So why do it to judges?


Hagel (in my view) gets his filibuster history wrong when he says both sides have filibustered judges — and when he argues the Frist proposal would limit "minority rights."


It gets even more complicated: Hagel, like most, if not all, of his Republican colleagues, also wants to abolish the Democrats' recently invented practice of filibustering judgeships. He declared last week on my show that he believes every judicial nominee deserves a vote on the Senate floor.


In other words, Sen. Hagel wants to limit the filibuster without touching the filibuster. Unfortunately, he can't have it both ways — and if he really believes judges should have their day before the court of public opinion, he'll have to side with Sen. Frist by specifying the precise instances in which filibusters may be used.


This gets us to what probably lies at the heart of the Hamlet Caucus's heartburn: Sen. Hagel and others rightly cherish the good old days when senators behaved with decorum, and not like mud-wrestlers. He wants to get along, and he doesn't want to enrage Democratic friends in the World's Greatest Deliberative Body.


Ironically, Frist's proposal of guaranteed votes for every potential judge, regardless of party, will make things better in the Senate, not worse. It will eliminate forever a practice that inflames tempers, indefensibly hobbles a president, and invites endless recrimination. If Republican Senators really want harmony, they ought to make the rules clear, as parents often must do with their quarrelsome young, knowing that once the tantrum subsides, peace can prevail. Likewise, senators, relieved of the pressures imposed by screeching activists, might start getting along again.

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