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Jewish World Review May 16, 2005 / 7 Iyar, 5765 It's the Third Way, Old Chap By Michael Barone
http://www.JewishWorldReview.com |
LONDON—British politics and American politics have things in common. They are both conducted in English (well, mostly; there is campaigning in Spanish and Welsh). They both have general elections in which chief executives are chosen in a roundabout way rooted in history. They have tended to have elections conducted within a few months of each other. But there are differences. The party of the right won in America in 2000 and 2004. The party of the left won in Britain in 2001 and 2004.
But there is a more profound difference. "There is no alternative," Margaret Thatcher proclaimed in the 1980s to critics of her policies. British politics for the last 25 years has been a struggle by the parties to define themselves as the only plausible alternative and to define their opponents as unacceptable. The Conservatives under Mrs. Thatcher were able to do that in the 1980s. The Labour Party under Tony Blair was able to do that in the 1990s and up through the election last Thursday. Only in 1992 was there a genuinely close election between the two major parties, the first since Mrs. Thatcher was first elected in 1979.
In American politics, in contrast, neither side has been able to define the other as unacceptable to a majority of voters, going back at least to the 1984 election, and arguably back to 1964. Democrats and Republicans have had shifting percentages of the vote, but have been competitive.
What does the British election (and British politics) tell us about American politics?
Mr. Blair accepted Thatcherism, promised restraint in growth of government and reform of services, and backed a robust foreign policy. He created genuine enthusiasm from 1994 to 1997: Spin worked. But services remain ragged. Education and crime have not been solved, and New Labour's authoritarianism has sparked some protest.
The robust foreign policy was fine with the left when Mr. Blair worked with Bill Clinton but not when he worked with George Bush. The rise in government spending, payrolls and deficits has not caused trouble yet, since the economy has remained sound. But it could provide an opening if the economy turns sour.
Previous British prime ministers who worked closely with American presidents delighted in celebrating Britain's role in advancing freedom and acknowledging her historical traditions. Mr. Blair has little use for British traditions— he established a separate Scottish Parliament, changed the voting in the House of Lords and abolished the ancient office of Lord Chancellor— and seems less interested in proclaiming British nationalism than in promoting European postnationalism.
Trust in a Third Way leader tends to grow ragged over time. And holding a big coalition together can be trouble. You can identify places where Iraq, immigration, services and spending hurt Mr. Blair and New Labour. In this British election, tactical voting was no longer directed against Conservatives, but more against Labour. If, as seems likely, the Labour government moves left under Mr. Blair and his certain successor, Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown, there is room for the Conservatives to emerge as a plausible alternative.
We had our own Third Way with Mr. Clinton. Trust in him and his project frayed too. Unlike Mr. Blair, he let his domestic policy be shaped by the Republican opposition— welfare reform, balanced budget, '97 Medicare. Approval of his performance remained high enough to make Al Gore competitive in 2000. But fraying trust cost left votes to Ralph Nader. Any Third Way left party risks defections from the left, which is inherently flaky. That, at least, is one thing America and Britain have in common.
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JWR contributor Michael Barone is a columnist at U.S. News & World Report. Comment by clicking here.
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