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July 2, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: The hallmark of a person

Abe Novick: Up, up, and aliya

July 1, 2009

Rabbi Avi Shafran: The Road Taken

The Kosher Gourmet by Marialisa Calta: Get into the holiday spirit with these Star-Spangled desserts

June 30, 2009

Rabbi Binyomin Ginsberg: What makes a great parent?

Caroline B. Glick: Ideologue-in-Chief

June 29, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Beware of 'Caveat Emptor'

Steven Emerson: ACLU pushing for more money for Hamas

June 26, 2009

Rabbi Yoni Posnick: Learn the secret to a healthy marriage from a scriptural villain

Caroline B. Glick: Barack Obama vs. International Law

June 25, 2009

Rabbi Shimon Apisdorf: The Absurd Power of Truth

Jordan "Gorf" Gorfinkle's strip: Everything's Relative

June 24, 2009

Rabbi Yonason Goldson: Advancement of technology is a wake-up call for humanity

The Kosher Gourmet by Andrea Weigl: Summer on a stick: Making frozen treats can be easy, creative and fun

June 23, 2009

Martin M. Bodek: 'On Surnames': And so, We Begin

Caroline B. Glick: The Obama Effect

June 22, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Working for a corrupt firm

N. Richard Greenfield : Where are American Jews?

June 19, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: Emotion v. intellect

Caroline B. Glick: Israel's rare opportunity

June 18, 2009

Jonathan Rosenblum: Sometimes it is more essential to define the nature of evil than good

Jordan "Gorf" Gorfinkle's strip: Everything's Relative

June 17, 2009

Rabbi Yonason Goldson: The Language of Confusion

The Kosher Gourmet by Linda Gassenheimer: Nothing pleases Dad more than a thick, juicy onion-smothered steak. Add home-Baked Potato Chips and …

June 16, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Career v. Careersism

Caroline B. Glick: Obama's losing streak and Israel

Richard Z. Chesnoff: ‘Palestinians’: Never Missing an Opportunity …

June 15, 2009

Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu: How Judea and Samaria can become 'Palestine'

Daniel Pipes: Where Netanyahu's speech failed

June 12, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: Some big thoughts about not acting so big

Caroline B. Glick: Obama's High Commissioner

June 11, 2009

Victor Davis Hanson: Our historically challenged President

Mitch Albom: Beware the True Believers

Lewis Grossberger: What we learn from the new Hitler photos

June 10, 2009

Mort Zuckerman: What Obama and his advisors won't -- or refuse to -- grasp about Israel and the Muslim world

The Kosher Gourmet by Steve Petusevsky Lotsa pasta: Tips, techniques and (amazing) taste

June 9, 2009

Anne Bayefsky: Obama's stunning offense to Israel and the Jewish people

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.: America's first Muslim president?

June 8, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Merchant must take responsibility for careless shopper?

Mark Steyn: A superpower that feeds on mediocrity cannot survive for long on leftovers from the past

Richard Z. Chesnoff: How do you say 'kumbaya' in Arabic?

June 5, 2009

Rabbi Abraham J. Twerski: In quest of spirituality

Caroline B. Glick: Obama's Arabian dreams

Charles Krauthammer: The Settlements Myth

June 4, 2009

Paul Greenberg: The War Comes to Little Rock

The Kosher Gourmet by Judy Hevrdejs: Splash it on! Tap your inner jazz musician and improvise when stirring up a vinaigrette

June 3, 2009

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Q. Should terrible teacher be exposed?

Jonathan Rosenblum: The Israel Lobby: Missing in Action

June 2, 2009

Dennis Prager: The Speech President Obama Won't Dare Give in Egypt

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.: Pressure on Israel raises war risk

Oct. 29, 2003
Mortimer B. Zuckerman: Graffiti On History's Walls (MUST-READ!)

Jewish World Review May 27, 2005 / 18 Iyar, 5765

The case for judicial term limits

By Jeff Jacoby

Jeff Jacoby
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http://www.JewishWorldReview.com | The deal that pulled the Senate back from the brink of a shootout over judicial nominations this week didn't really settle anything. Democrats retain the right to filibuster future nominees "under extraordinary circumstances" — a phrase it is left to them to define. Republicans can still go "nuclear" — change the Senate rules to block a filibuster of judicial nominations — if they decide the Democrats are acting in "bad faith." Odds are the deal will collapse as soon as the next vacancy opens up on the Supreme Court. Assuming President Bush sends up a nominee whose ideological profile matches those of the sitting justices he says are his favorites — conservatives Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas — Democrats and Republicans will square off and the Senate will be back at the OK Corral.

And, really, how could it be otherwise? The Supreme Court has become an immensely powerful institution, one that sets national policy on a host of contentious issues from abortion to race to property rights. Is prayer permissible at a high school commencement? The Supreme Court decides. Can Congress ban political ads that mention candidates by name? Ask the Supreme Court. May a state execute a 17-year-old murderer? Prohibit flag-burning? Authorize medical marijuana? It's up to the Supreme Court.

Alexander Hamilton described the judiciary as the ''least dangerous branch," since it had no authority to appropriate funds and no way to enforce its decisions. But federal courts today exercise powers the Framers never gave them. They overturn laws passed by legislators, constitutionalize rights not enumerated in the Constitution, and even determine the outcome of a presidential election. And if that doesn't make them potent enough, federal judges hold their jobs for life. They are unelected, unaccountable — and enormously influential. Is it any wonder that judicial appointments are fought over so fiercely? So much is riding on the outcome.

Ultimately, the only way to reduce the acrimony is to make the judges less powerful. That could be accomplished by eliminating judicial review or enacting limits on the courts' jurisdiction. But there is an easier and more realistic approach: Do away with lifetime tenure.

When the Constitution's authors established a judiciary with unlimited terms, adult life expectancy in the United States was around 40 — half of what it is today. Between 1789 and 1970, Supreme Court justices served an average of just over 15 years and retired at 65 1/2. Since 1970, justices have stayed on the court for an average of 25.5 years, and their age at retirement has climbed to nearly 79. That can hardly be what the Framers envisioned.

No president can hold power for more than eight years, but the most junior member of the current court — Stephen Breyer — has already been there for 11 years. Two others, John Paul Stevens and Chief Justice William Rehnquist, have been on the court for more than 30 years.

For at least four reasons, this is not a good thing.

First and most obviously, lifetime tenure vastly increases the stakes in filling each Supreme Court (and Court of Appeals) vacancy. Senate battles over judicial nominations would not be so bitter if the consequences of losing weren't likely to persist for decades. Second, high court justices are tempted by the current arrangement to time their resignations for political reasons. Liberal judges have an incentive to stay on the bench until Democrats control the White House and/or the Senate, while conservatives wait until Republicans are in charge.

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Third, as law professors Akhil Reed Amar of Yale and Steven Calabresi of Northwestern wrote in 2002, ''life tenure encourages presidents to nominate young candidates with minimal paper trails and maximal potential to shape the future" — by passing up more experienced individuals whose resumes might trigger an ideological assault. And fourth, with justices staying on the court longer than ever, the judiciary is deprived of regular infusions of new blood. Result: a decrease in intellectual vigor and awareness of contemporary culture.

The argument in favor of life tenure for federal judges is that it strengthens them against political attack and outside influence, making it easier to render unpopular decisions without fear. ''The Constitution protects judicial independence not to benefit judges," Rehnquist wrote in his 2004 year-end report on the federal judiciary, ''but to promote the rule of law: judges are expected to administer the law fairly, without regard to public reaction."

But life tenure can be replaced with fixed judicial terms without weakening the autonomy of the federal judiciary. No one questions the independence of the governors of the Federal Reserve, who like judges are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate but who are limited to 14-year terms. Likewise the comptroller general — the federal ''watchdog" — whose term lasts 15 years.

Why not a similar arrangement for high-ranking federal judges? Amending the Constitution is never easy, but the situation cries out for reform. Senators shouldn't have to threaten each other with ''nuclear" attack in order to bring judicial nominees to a vote. If there were less at stake — if Supreme Court and appeals court judges no longer served for life — they would no longer feel the need to do so.

Every weekday JewishWorldReview.com publishes what many in in the media and Washington consider "must-reading". Sign up for the daily JWR update. It's free. Just click here.

Jeff Jacoby is a Boston Globe columnist. Comment by clicking here.

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