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April 9, 2014

Jonathan Tobin: Why Did Kerry Lie About Israeli Blame?

Samuel G. Freedman: A resolution 70 years later for a father's unsettling legacy of ashes from Dachau

Jessica Ivins: A resolution 70 years later for a father's unsettling legacy of ashes from Dachau

Kim Giles: Asking for help is not weakness

Kathy Kristof and Barbara Hoch Marcus: 7 Great Growth Israeli Stocks

Matthew Mientka: How Beans, Peas, And Chickpeas Cleanse Bad Cholesterol and Lowers Risk of Heart Disease

Sabrina Bachai: 5 At-Home Treatments For Headaches

The Kosher Gourmet by Daniel Neman Have yourself a matzo ball: The secrets bubby never told you and recipes she could have never imagined

April 8, 2014

Lori Nawyn: At Your Wit's End and Back: Finding Peace

Susan B. Garland and Rachel L. Sheedy: Strategies Married Couples Can Use to Boost Benefits

David Muhlbaum: Smart Tax Deductions Non-Itemizers Can Claim

Jill Weisenberger, M.S., R.D.N., C.D.E : Before You Lose Your Mental Edge

Dana Dovey: Coffee Drinkers Rejoice! Your Cup Of Joe Can Prevent Death From Liver Disease

Chris Weller: Electric 'Thinking Cap' Puts Your Brain Power Into High Gear

The Kosher Gourmet by Marlene Parrish A gift of hazelnuts keeps giving --- for a variety of nutty recipes: Entree, side, soup, dessert

April 4, 2014

Rabbi David Gutterman: The Word for Nothing Means Everything

Charles Krauthammer: Kerry's folly, Chapter 3

Amy Peterson: A life of love: How to build lasting relationships with your children

John Ericson: Older Women: Save Your Heart, Prevent Stroke Don't Drink Diet

John Ericson: Why 50 million Americans will still have spring allergies after taking meds

Cameron Huddleston: Best and Worst Buys of April 2014

Stacy Rapacon: Great Mutual Funds for Young Investors

Sarah Boesveld: Teacher keeps promise to mail thousands of former students letters written by their past selves

The Kosher Gourmet by Sharon Thompson Anyone can make a salad, you say. But can they make a great salad? (SECRETS, TESTED TECHNIQUES + 4 RECIPES, INCLUDING DRESSINGS)

April 2, 2014

Paul Greenberg: Death and joy in the spring

Dan Barry: Should South Carolina Jews be forced to maintain this chimney built by Germans serving the Nazis?

Mayra Bitsko: Save me! An alien took over my child's personality

Frank Clayton: Get happy: 20 scientifically proven happiness activities

Susan Scutti: It's Genetic! Obesity and the 'Carb Breakdown' Gene

Lecia Bushak: Why Hand Sanitizer May Actually Harm Your Health

Stacy Rapacon: Great Funds You Can Own for $500 or Less

Cameron Huddleston: 7 Ways to Save on Home Decor

The Kosher Gourmet by Steve Petusevsky Exploring ingredients as edible-stuffed containers (TWO RECIPES + TIPS & TECHINQUES)

Jewish World Review Dec. 12, 2011 / 16 Kislev, 5772

A defining fight for the GOP

By David M. Shribman




http://www.JewishWorldReview.com | One graduated from Baker High, a public school in Columbus, Ga., the other from Cranbrook, a private school in Bloomfield Hills, Mich. One has a Ph.D. in history from Tulane, the other has an MBA from Harvard. One steeped himself in the details of the colonial educational institutions of the Belgian Congo, the other in the minutae of failing companies in the United States.

One almost always wears a tie in public, the other increasingly is abandoning his Brooks Brothers gray suit and crisply knotted rep tie for the sort of dress-casual look you might see dockside at the cocktail hour or on campus for the tailgate just before the Princeton game. One is extemporaneous, the other scripted.

One has been in politics for more than a third of a century, the other only for half that long. One went to France as a young man to explore the battlefields at Verdun, the other as a missionary to win converts. One worked for Nelson Rockefeller in the 1968 Republican presidential nomination fight, the other supported George Romney. One can tell you how many Catholic-school teachers were in Leopoldville, the other how many employees each Staples outlet needs.

One delighted in obliterating the Republican power elite, the other is a direct blood descendant of the GOP establishment. One thinks out loud, tossing ideas around like political-convention confetti, the other is careful and deliberate, with nary an impulsive remark. One lacks discipline, the other lacks spontaneity.

This is what the Republican presidential nomination fight has come down to -- a struggle between two men who have almost nothing in common, who have different temperaments and outlooks, who have divergent views of the origins and nature of conservatism, who personify two streams of the modern Republican Party -- the incendiary, rootless radicalism represented by Newt Gingrich., the historian with contempt for the Republican past, and the respectable, Midwest-rooted, business-oriented strain represented by Mitt Romney, the businessman whose style grows out of the GOP past.

There hasn't been a nomination fight like this since 1964.

To be sure, recent nomination struggles have featured battles between regulars and insurgents. Ronald Reagan, the supply-side, small-government apostle from Hollywood took on Gerald Ford, the very model of the post-New Deal get-along Republican lawmaker, and George H. W. Bush, the striped-pants son of a senator with a Wall Street partnership, in 1976 and 1980. Gary Hart, the new-ideas senator from the ascendant mountain west challenged Walter F. Mondale, the established personification of the New Deal coalition and Minnesota liberalism, in 1984.

Both of these fights involved urgent questions of identity and ideology. Both represented divergent paths for the two parties. But neither of them involved the emotional anti-matter and stylistic competition, contention and collision at the center of the struggle between Mr. Romney and Mr. Gingrich, deny it as both sides might.

The fight for the Republican nomination finally means something. A fortnight ago it seemed merely a prologue to the Republicans' effort to defeat and repudiate President Barack Obama. It remains that, of course -- but first the Republicans need to decide what sort of party they will have as they move into the 2012 general election.

The old tug-of-war between social and economic conservatives, which began to emerge as Reagan departed the scene, supplied part of the story line of 2012. The Iowa caucuses were supposed to be the social-conservatism sweepstakes, the New Hampshire primary the economic-conservatism showdown, South Carolina would present a Saturday social-conservatism encore and then the party would get down to business 10 days later in Florida.

But the rise and fall of a number of Romney challengers and the eventual emergence of Mr. Gingrich has changed all that. The NBC News/Marist Poll shows Mr. Gingrich ahead in Iowa and 16 points behind in Mr. Romney's New Hampshire redoubt. The race is on for the former supporters of Herman Cain -- Mr. Gingrich is the clear favorite there -- and the character of the contest is altered immutably.

For a long time, Mr. Romney managed to make the GOP contest a referendum on other people while maintaining a steady but not overwhelming lead. Now that's changed, too. Both Time ("Why Don't They Like Me?") and The New Republic ("You Won't Like Him When He's Angry") last week released covers on presidential timber and temperament, treatment until now reserved for Mr. Gingrich, who has inspired stunningly little support for his personal style and character. It's now Mr. Romney's turn.

But portraying one as a prig with his nose in the air and the other as a pugilist happiest busting his opponent's nose isn't getting anyone anywhere and returns the contest to issues and mechanics.

Mr. Romney is, or has become, a conventional 21st-century conservative, opposed to taxes, Obamacare and the notion that humankind has contributed to, or can alleviate, global climate change. Mr. Gingrich holds most of these views most of the time, but can be counted on grafting an unusual aside, or an acidic critique, onto his remarks. Mr. Romney would methodically undo much of Mr. Obama's work, Mr. Gingrich would take on the task with relish and revenge.

Mr. Romney's campaign was built the traditional way -- slowly, deliberately. Mr. Gingrich's was built the Gingrich way, with volcanic eruptions of energy and ideas, completely out of synch with the usual rhythms. His is a campaign so underfunded that former Sen. Rick Santorum has attracted more maximum $2,500 donors than Mr. Gingrich. His campaign is so underorganized that the candidate's New Hampshire headquarters was open only 16 days when the state's largest newspaper endorsed him last month for president. Ordinarily it's too late to try to build an organization a month before Iowa and too dangerous to float dramatic new ideas a month before New Hampshire. Mr. Gingrich is challenging not only conventional ideas about policy but also conventional cadences of politics.

But in the last few days this has also become a deeply personal struggle for each man's legacy. If Mr. Romney, a former Massachusetts governor, loses, he's a footnote in history, not even a William G. McAdoo or a George Romney, both of whom aimed at the presidency twice and are largely forgotten today. If Mr. Gingrich, who ended four decades of Democratic House control, loses, he's still a historic figure. It's a fight for the ages, and for the future.

Comment by clicking here.

David Shribman, a Pulitzer Prize winner in journalism, is executive editor of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette.


Previously:



12/05/11 A distinct lack of enthusiasm
11/28/11 For GOPers, the winds are beginning to pick up, the horizon is darkening
11/21/11 Today's polarized politics . . . blame FDR and the political scientists
11/11/11The sporting life
11/07/11 Ron Paul, true believer
10/31/11 Why Cain isn't able
10/10/11 GOP starting over
10/03/11 The Forgotten War of 1812
09/26/11 The way we live now
09/19/11 The crisis this time
09/11/11 But what will it mean?
09/05/11 A horse race column: Who might win the GOP nomination and how it might unfold
08/29/11 The vacuum calls
08/22/11 Passion and politics: How Barack Obama and Mitt Romney got crowded into the same dangerous corner
08/15/11 Eleanor's little village
08/08/11 The agony of August
08/01/11 The politics of the impossible: What a country this might be if the political class served the broad interests of the majority
07/25/11 Pennant fever grips 'Burgh
07/18/11 Exemplar of an era
07/11/11 On summer
07/04/11 The soul of the party
06/27/11 What the Secretary said
06/20/11 Romney has big advantages over his rivals, but they will be coming after him
06/06/11 One question each
05/30/11 The 14-week challenge
05/23/11 Delay tactics
05/16/11 Republicans are waiting
05/09/11 Bin Laden is dead. What does it mean?
05/02/11 From nobodies to nominees
04/25/11 The founders left slavery for future generations to settle, and we still haven't fully come to terms with it
04/18/11 From audacious to cautious
04/11/11 Dreaming of space
12/12/10 The GOP takes control
12/06/10 DECEMBER 7
11/29/10 GOP presidential hopefuls already are lining up local supporters in what is now a red state
11/22/10 Burning down the House
11/15/10 Institutions of higher learning are finally beginning to teach important lifeskills
11/04/10 The war has just begun
11/01/10 Echoes of a speech 40 years ago this week still resonate today
10/25/10 50 years ago America chose between two men who were dramatically different --- and eerily similar





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