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Jewish World Review
May 11, 2010
/ 27 Iyar, 5770
Greece's stubborn surrender
For the time being, the markets have been pacified. For the moment, the riots in Athens have subsided. Only "hundreds" of demonstrators came out over the weekend, fewer than the rioters who killed three people during a violent petrol bomb attack on a bank last week. But this temporary truce in Greece has been bought at a high price -- by which I don't just mean that it was expensive.
In front of me as I write is a draft version of the Council of the European Union's most recent "decision" on Greece. It isn't a classified document: Bits of it have been in the newspapers; the Greek parliament has already voted to pass some provisions; and a similar, though less comprehensive, decision was published last February. Yet while it's not secret, no one is talking much about its political significance either. For this is no ordinary piece of Euro-bureaucracy: This is the kind of thing a surrendering field marshal signs in a railway car in the forest at the end of a bloody war.
Europe and the International Monetary Fund will spend billions of euros to rescue Greece. And in exchange, Greece will not merely agree to reduce its vast public deficit but will adopt, by June, no fewer than 17 specific legal and budgetary changes. Among other things, the council declares that Greece "shall" reduce the "Easter, summer and Christmas bonuses" of civil servants and pensioners; increase taxes on fuel, tobacco and alcohol; reduce the operating costs of local government; and pass a law to simplify the rules for new business start-ups.
Once all that is out of the way, Greece "shall," by September, fulfill nine other requirements, among them a pension reform that raises the retirement age to 65, from a current average of 61. By December, Greece "shall" adopt 12 additional measures, among them one mandating the use of generic drugs in the state health-care system. There are further deadlines in March, June and September 2011. If the Greek government wants to continue receiving the cash it needs to function, it will have to pass all of this legislation, piece by piece.
I have no doubt that all of these measures are necessary, even long overdue. Probably there was no other way to persuade a Greek parliament to pass them, either. Violent riots have become an acceptable way of expressing political opinion in Greece, and bitter partisanship means that each government undoes the work of its predecessor. This is not a political culture in which any government would find it easy to raise the retirement age four years or eliminate Christmas bonuses for civil servants.
Nevertheless, the council's "decision" does represent something new. Though the European Union has always required a partial surrender of sovereignty from its member states, Greece no longer has much sovereignty at all. IMF agreements also impose conditions, but the language is somewhat different: The indebted country requests help, the IMF responds. In this case, the European Union has decided what Greece "shall" do. I don't believe anybody, least of all the Greeks, knew that the European Union had so much power over its member states.
Maintaining this intense legislative schedule will not be easy, whatever promises have been made. Modern Greece has a history of foreign occupation -- by the Ottoman empire, by Nazi Germany -- and some Greeks are already calling on their compatriots to resist the new occupation forces of the European Union and the IMF. Resistance could take forms more subtle than rioting. Athens, after all, is a city in which 364 people told tax authorities they owned swimming pools -- and in which satellite photographs reveal the existence of 16,974 swimming pools. If a tax or legal reform is perceived as a foreign imposition, will Greeks abide by it?
Though no one is saying so, this visible imposition of E.U. power on Greece will also serve as a warning to others who want to enter the eurozone in the future. Yes, if you play by the rules, being part of Europe means being part of the world's largest and most prosperous economy. But if you don't play by the rules, you risk coming under foreign financial occupation. Euro-neo-colonialism, in all its glory, has arrived.
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Gulag: A History
Nearly 30 million prisoners passed through the Soviet Union's labor camps in their more than 60 years of operation. This remarkable volume, the first fully documented history of the gulag, describes how, largely under Stalin's watch, a regulated, centralized system of prison labor-unprecedented in scope-gradually arose out of the chaos of the Russian Revolution. Fueled by waves of capricious arrests, this prison labor came to underpin the Soviet economy. JWR's Applebaum, a former Warsaw correspondent for the Economist and a regular contributor to the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post, draws on newly accessible Soviet archives as well as scores of camp memoirs and interviews with survivors to trace the gulag's origins and expansion Sales help fund JWR.
Comment on JWR contributor Anne Applebaum's column by clicking here.
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© 2009, Anne Applebaum. By permission of the author