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Jewish World Review
May 4, 2009
/ 10 Iyar 5769
The Death of Jewish Republicanism?
By
Jonathan Tobin
Specter's defection is a blow to the GOP but has little to do with either principle or ideology
http://www.JewishWorldReview.com |
1980 was a golden year for Jewish Republicans. That November Ronald Reagan
won nearly 40 percent of the Jewish vote for the presidency, a modern record
for the GOP and a mark that they have never come close to achieving since
then.
In that same year, Arlen Specter was elected as a Republican to the United
States Senate from Pennsylvania riding happily on Reagan's coat tails. Back
then Jewish Republicans trumpeted Reagan's impressive showing as well as the
victories of candidates like Specter as proof that American Jews were
finally shedding their allegiance to the party of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
and other Democratic icons.
But Milton Himmelfarb's famous quip that Jews live like Episcopalians but
vote like Puerto Ricans proved to be a more lasting insight on Jewish voting
patterns than much of the analysis that came out of the 1980 election.
Conservatives may believe that political ideas that were based on the
immigrant experience are no longer relevant to Jewish problems but the
majority of Jews who interpret their religious/ethnic tradition as being
synonymous with liberalism disagree.
No Republican candidate for president has ever come close to equaling
Reagan's vote that year including Reagan himself. In the last two
presidential elections the pro-Israel stands of both George W. Bush and John
McCain were not enough to trump other factors — including an unreasonable
fear of conservative Christians as well as party-line loyalty to the
Democrats — that proved decisive in determining the Jewish vote. In the eyes
of liberal Democrats and some discontented Republicans such as author David
Frum, the fact that social conservatives, such as 2008 vice presidential
candidate Sarah Palin, seemed to have effectively won control of the
Republicans gives substance to the belief that moderates have no place in
the contemporary GOP.
But Specter's departure from the Republican Party has far more to do with
his personal political dilemma than it does with the future of the GOP.
Though he is hardly the only American politician of whom it can be said that
he is in business for himself, Specter has always been a political party of
one whose only platform plank is the advancement of the senior senator from
the Keystone State. Specter was, after all, a Democrat in the 1960's when he
first switched parties, not over any ideological differences with his party,
but because his path to higher office was blocked. He remained in the party,
not out of any loyalty to Republican liberalism such as that exemplified by
Jacob Javits (a liberal Republican who represented New York in the Senate
from 1956 to 1980) but out of convenience.
Once elected to the Senate, Specter's only consistent trait as a legislator
was a hunger for massive amounts of legislative pork that he brought home to
Pennsylvania solidifying his personal power. On foreign policy, he was no
defense hawk in the sense that domestic liberals such as the late Henry
"Scoop" Jackson or Joseph Lieberman were. On this, as on all other issues,
he was a free-lancer rather than a true independent. Thus, while still
counting himself as a backer of the Jewish State, he became Syrian dictator
Hafez Assad's favorite U.S. Senator, frequently travelling to Damascus over
the years.
Though he was pro-choice on abortion in a party in which the majority
remained pro-life, it is a myth that this played a prominent role in
hostility to Specter from the right. After all, two-term Pennsylvania
governor Tom Ridge was also a pro-choice Republican but remains a popular
figure in his party. Rather it was Specter's dazzling inconsistency,
disloyalty and relentless self-promotion that grated most on GOP
sensibilities. It was no wonder that his foes in both parties found him a
frustrating opponent. As, Joseph Hoeffel, his Democratic opponent in the
2004 election, said of Specter: "It's hard to run against Arlen on the
issues because he's on both sides of every one."
In 2004, Specter faced a stiff primary challenge from Pat Toomey, a
hard-core conservative congressman. Yet he still received the enthusiastic
backing of President Bush and his Senate colleague Rick Santorum, both of
whom were closer to Toomey on the issues than Specter. Hours after he won
that race by a whisker, he held a press conference in which he emphatically
turned his back on Bush.
Despite this, five years later, it appeared as if the 79-year-old Specter
would still have an easy path to re-election in 2010 for a sixth term.
Toomey had already announced that he would not challenge Specter again. But
in January, Specter voted for President Obama's stimulus bill enraging
conservatives and motivating Toomey to change his plans and switch from a
race for the Pennsylvania statehouse to a Senate run. Given the fact that
neither Bush nor Santorum would be willing or able to bail him this time, it
was obvious that Specter was heading to defeat. Determined to save his seat
at all costs, he jumped to the Democrats claiming that the Republicans had
forced him out.
But the demise of liberal Republicanism happened decades ago not this past
winter. Nelson Rockefeller-style GOP liberals disappeared a generation
earlier as both of the two major parties became less ideologically diverse.
If Arlen Specter was comfortable as a Republican running with right-wingers
such as Ronald Reagan or George W. Bush, it is difficult if not impossible
to argue that his switch had much to do with any distaste on his part for
cultural conservatives or Republican intolerance for independent minds.
Rather it was the noxious personality of Specter and his indefatigable
egotism that eventually earned him so many enemies in his home state party
that nothing, not even the need to preserve a 40th senate seat for the
Republicans, could ameliorate the open hostility that he provoked.
Though in the age of Obama the Republican tent is currently far smaller than
it used to be, there is plenty of room in it for fiscal conservatives and
foreign policy hawks that don't share the socially conservative views of
Palin and others. Had Specter carved out a niche for himself on either of
those topics, his views on abortion would never have brought him to the
point where he had to jump from the GOP before he was pushed.
Jews remain incorrigibly liberal and more loyal to the Democrats than every
sector of the population except African-Americans. The ascendancy of social
conservatives in the Republican Party has ensured that this will continue to
be the case for the foreseeable future even if this puts the Jews in the
position of rejecting their closest allies on the question of security for
the State of Israel. But this has little to do with Specter's apostasy. It
may be that Jewish Republicans feel the senator's defection puts a period on
their hopes for a greater share of the Jewish vote. But that is a more of a
statement about their bad judgment in hitching their star to his shaky wagon
than the supposed intolerance of a conservative-dominated party that desires
purity over diversity. The strange journey of Arlen Specter from Democrat to
Republican and back again to the Democrats is a story of one man's unbridled
ambition and political expediency, not the tale of a party held hostage by
the right.
Every weekday JewishWorldReview.com publishes what many in Washington and in the media consider "must reading." Sign up for the daily JWR update. It's free. Just click here.
JWR contributor Jonathan S. Tobin is executive editor of Commentary magazine.
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