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Jewish World Review
April 16, 2004
/ 26 Nissan, 5764
The Javits Factor
By
Jonathan Tobin
Specter tries to avoid the fate that ended the career of another Jewish
Republican
http://www.jewishworldreview.com |
Just as Arlen Specter was entering the Senate in January 1981, another
moderate Jewish Republican was leaving. New York's Jacob Javits, who had served since
1957, was ending a long career of public service with a bitter taste in his
mouth.
The liberal-leaning Javits was an American Jewish idol who managed to succeed
brilliantly in politics without discarding his Jewish identity. But during
his four terms, he had managed to alienate the conservative wing of the GOP,
with maverick stands such as his refusal to support the candidacy of doomed
presidential candidate Barry Goldwater in 1964.
For most of his tenure, Javits was protected from any backlash by the
patronage of the sovereign of the Republican Party in New York: Gov. Nelson
Rockefeller. But by the time the 76-year-old Javits sought a fifth term in 1980, he was
ill and Rockefeller was dead. Javits' right-wing antagonists were intent on
reclaiming New York's GOP.
This was the time of the Reagan revolution, and Javits was an ailing
throwback to an earlier era. Still, the Republican Senate leadership was not opposed
to his re-election, as he was considered a favorite against any Democrat. But
that logic did not trump the burning desire of many New York Republicans to
oust Javits.
The political wisdom of the time was that any conservative could trounce
Javits in a closed primary, where many of the senator's fans — independents and
Democrats — couldn't vote. The only question was whether or not there was a
Republican with the bad manners to challenge the aging icon?
Alphonse D'Amato, an obscure Long Island town official, was just such a
person. The virtually unknown politician not only forced a primary but had the
chutzpah to highlight Javits' age and health, as well as his record.
LESSON'S NOT LOST
The result was, in retrospect, virtually foreordained; Javits was badly
beaten. In November, D'Amato won the seat, enabling the Republicans to take control
of the Senate while Reagan marched into the White House with New York's
electoral votes in his pocket. In March 1986, Jacob Javits died of Amyotrophic
Lateral Sclerosis (better known as Lou Gehrig's disease), largely unmourned by the
party he'd represented for so long.
The moral of this story is not lost on Arlen Specter, another moderate
Republican septuagenarian who would like a fifth term in the Senate. Specter, who
faces a challenge to his hold on the GOP Senate nomination from U.S. Rep. Pat
Toomey of Allentown in an April 27 primary, is in the fight of his political
life. 
Like Javits, the 74-year-old is a maverick who has earned the ire of many
rank-and-file Republicans. The simmering anger toward the senator on the part of
Pennsylvania conservatives is very similar to the way Javits' critics felt
about him.
But the needs of the White House have made Specter's survival an issue, which
has caused even some conservatives who despise Specter to pause. President
Bush wants Specter on the ballot with him in November to help him win the
battleground state of Pennsylvania.
And the Republican leadership of the Senate, including Pennsylvania's own
junior senator, Rick Santorum, also support Specter. Though he doesn't share
their conservative ideology, Specter's still considered the best bet to hold on to
the seat against Democratic nominee Rep. Joseph Hoeffel in November.
NOT YOUR 'AVERAGE JOE'
Pat Toomey may be as much of an unknown to voters as D'Amato was, but unlike
that New York street fighter, he's no "Average Joe." Educated at Harvard and
a veteran of the world of international finance, the 42-year-old Toomey could
best be described as a policy wonk. Ask him to contrast his stands on foreign
policy with those of Specter, and you get a treatise on post-Cold War
diplomacy. Ask him about Specter's ability to get Pennsylvania its share of
Washington's political pork allocations, and you get a dissertation about inefficient
economic models. It's impressive, but Toomey's no tough guy.
On the other hand, Specter — though he remains the same high-handed and not
particularly loveable character who has been stepping on political toes since
the early 1960s — is not taking the primary for granted. He remembers what
happened to Jack Javits, and readily cited in an interview the similar fates
suffered by other Senate GOP liberals, like Edward Brooke of Massachusetts and
Clifford Case of New Jersey, whose political scalps were collected by conservative
challengers.
Specter has a huge advantage in money raised over Toomey, and unlike those
fallen moderates, isn't waiting until the fall to spend it. Those who have heard
the challenger speak generally come away impressed, but Specter's ability to
define his opponent as a nut could sink Toomey.
But, like Javits in 1980, this is the man's first serious primary challenge.
Despite his flat presentation, Toomey speaks to the guts of most GOP'ers who
like his hard-line stands against spending and taxes, even if his rigid
opposition to pork-barrel bills may not seem realistic.
Specter may be right when he says that Toomey makes Santorum "look like a
liberal." But what he forgets is that such a label is not an insult to a lot of
the folks who vote in Republican primaries.
That's why Specter launched a campaign to get registered Democrats —
especially Jews — to change over to the Republicans so they could vote for him. But
no matter how many Democrats flipped, they're probably still outnumbered by
conservatives, who have been itching for a shot at knocking off Specter.
Though the Jewish vote probably isn't a significant factor in the GOP
primary, Toomey does stress his support for Israel and his opposition to what he
calls Specter's "multilateral globalist" foreign policy. Specter has answered by
citing his own long record of support for the Jewish state — and Toomey's
votes against some foreign-aid spending for Israel (which the congressman defends
as opposition to spending in general) — as well as his right-wing stands on
social issues.
Specter's dilemma is that some Republicans resent the senator's
foreign-policy freelancing, such as his relationship with the Assad family of Syria, as
much as others are bitter about his opposition to the nomination of Robert Bork
to the U.S. Supreme Court.
Specter may think Bush is a better judge of who is a loyal Republican than
Toomey, but it's an open question as to whether GOP voters share this
realpolitik approach.
Specter is not going down without a fight, but those of his fans who think
Toomey doesn't have a chance to win are kidding themselves. The problem for
Specter is no different than that faced by Javits in 1980. Are enough of the
people who support him — as opposed to those who share his party affiliation, but
not his ideas — able to vote to keep him in the Senate?
Every weekday JewishWorldReview.com publishes what many in Washington and in the media consider "must reading." Sign up for the daily JWR update. It's free. Just click here.
JWR contributor Jonathan S. Tobin is executive editor of the Philadelphia Jewish Exponent.
Let him know what you think by clicking here. In June, Mr. Tobin won first places honors in the American
Jewish Press Association's Louis Rapaport Award for Excellence in Commentary as
well as the Philadelphia Press Association's Media Award for top weekly
columnist. Both competitions were for articles written in the year 2002.
Jonathan Tobin Archives
© 2004, Jonathan Tobin
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