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Dec. 3, 2008

Steven Emerson: Yes, the terrorists are winning

Don Terry: Lifetime, no see

Dec. 2, 2008

Melanie Phillips: The Mumbai atrocity is a wake-up call for a frighteningly unprepared world

Stratfor Geopolitical Intelligence Report: Strategic Motivations for the Mumbai Attack

Dec. 1, 2008

Max Freidlander, as told to Jacklyn C. Wadler: India Inkings

Mark Steyn: Whodunit!?

Nov. 28, 2008

Rabbi Ahron Rapps: An evil seed that didn't have to be

Melanie Phillips: Carpe diem --- or can we all relax now?

Nov. 26, 2008

Michael Feldberg: Meet the Orthodox Jew who laid groundwork for scientific development of ordnance that undergirds America's current world leadership

Andrea Simantov: Shades of life

Nov. 25, 2008

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir : Getting Emotional For Influence

The Kosher Gourmet by Ethel G. Hofman : Thanksiving feast!

Nov. 24, 2008

Rabbi S. Binyomin Ginsberg: 'I just Became a grandchild!'

Barry Rubin: Don't flatter your enemies, protect your friends

Nov. 21, 2008

Rabbi A. Henach Leibowitz: Money matters?

Caroline B. Glick: Civilization walks the plank

Nov. 20, 2008

Rabbi Avi Shafran: Bronfman's blindness

The Kosher Gourmet By Linda Gassenheimer: Portobellos add a hearty flavor to pasta with pesto

Nov, 19, 2008

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir : Spread the wealth? Jewish tradition and income equality

Elliot B. Gertel: 'Mad Men': Tackling prejudices or reinforcing them?

Nov, 18, 2008

Dr. Debby Schwarz Hirschhorn: The End of the Age of Reason

Jonathan Tobin: Does Barack + Bibi = Disaster?

Nov, 17, 2008

Rabbi Yonason Goldson: The End of the Age of Reason

Diana West: Gulling Americans into making terror legit?

Nov, 14, 2008

Rabbi A. Henach Leibowitz: The Power of Spiritual Inertia

Caroline B. Glick: The perils ahead

Nov, 13, 2008

Stratfor Intelligence Briefing: How Bush and Obama together could change the Middle East dynamic

The Kosher Gourmet by JeanMarie Brownson: Sweet and savory, crispy and meltingly tender bestilla

Nov, 12, 2008

The Jewish Ethicist by Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir : Tyrannical Co-Workers

Michael Doyle: High Court to consider today donated monuments that may have religious messages in public parks

Nov, 11, 2008

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.: Will Obama stop government officials considering institutionalizing financial jihad?

Jonathan Tobin: They Will Decide Their Own Fate

Nov, 10, 2008

Rabbi Avi Shafran: $8 billion, modern-day Tower of Babel being built?

Barry Rubin: A letter to the president-elect from a Middle East realist

Nov, 7, 2008

Rabbi Francis Nataf: Of Children and Immortality

Caroline B. Glick: Livni's Obama strategy

Nov, 6, 2008

Rabbi Yonason Goldson: How I tricked a classroom of apathetic students into grasping the fallacy of moral relativism

The Kosher Gourmet By Gina Kim: Tips for making the perfect soup --- includes recipes

Nov, 5, 2008

The Jewish Ethicist By Rabbi Dr. Asher Meir: Destitute Debtors

Bruce Weinstein: 'Religulos': Bad title,even worse movie

Nov, 4, 2008

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.: Treasury Dept. submits to Shariah law

Frida Ghitis: A surprise for Obama in the Middle East

Nov, 3, 2008

Jonathan Rosenblum: Who says Jews are Smart?

Jonathan Tobin: Was He Wrong About Everything?

March 22, 2007

J-Rhythms with Avraham Rosenblum: JWR's cutting-edge music program showcasing performers -- singers, song writers, musicians, and bands -- who learn and live the Torah lifestyle (OUR NEWEST IGODCAST !)

Oct. 29, 2003
Mortimer B. Zuckerman: Graffiti On History's Walls (MUST-READ!)

Jewish World Review April 16, 2004 / 26 Nissan, 5764

The Javits Factor

By Jonathan Tobin


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Specter tries to avoid the fate that ended the career of another Jewish Republican


http://www.jewishworldreview.com | Just as Arlen Specter was entering the Senate in January 1981, another moderate Jewish Republican was leaving. New York's Jacob Javits, who had served since 1957, was ending a long career of public service with a bitter taste in his mouth.

The liberal-leaning Javits was an American Jewish idol who managed to succeed brilliantly in politics without discarding his Jewish identity. But during his four terms, he had managed to alienate the conservative wing of the GOP, with maverick stands such as his refusal to support the candidacy of doomed presidential candidate Barry Goldwater in 1964.

For most of his tenure, Javits was protected from any backlash by the patronage of the sovereign of the Republican Party in New York: Gov. Nelson Rockefeller. But by the time the 76-year-old Javits sought a fifth term in 1980, he was ill and Rockefeller was dead. Javits' right-wing antagonists were intent on reclaiming New York's GOP.

This was the time of the Reagan revolution, and Javits was an ailing throwback to an earlier era. Still, the Republican Senate leadership was not opposed to his re-election, as he was considered a favorite against any Democrat. But that logic did not trump the burning desire of many New York Republicans to oust Javits.

The political wisdom of the time was that any conservative could trounce Javits in a closed primary, where many of the senator's fans — independents and Democrats — couldn't vote. The only question was whether or not there was a Republican with the bad manners to challenge the aging icon?

Alphonse D'Amato, an obscure Long Island town official, was just such a person. The virtually unknown politician not only forced a primary but had the chutzpah to highlight Javits' age and health, as well as his record.

LESSON'S NOT LOST
The result was, in retrospect, virtually foreordained; Javits was badly beaten. In November, D'Amato won the seat, enabling the Republicans to take control of the Senate while Reagan marched into the White House with New York's electoral votes in his pocket. In March 1986, Jacob Javits died of Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (better known as Lou Gehrig's disease), largely unmourned by the party he'd represented for so long.

The moral of this story is not lost on Arlen Specter, another moderate Republican septuagenarian who would like a fifth term in the Senate. Specter, who faces a challenge to his hold on the GOP Senate nomination from U.S. Rep. Pat Toomey of Allentown in an April 27 primary, is in the fight of his political life.

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Like Javits, the 74-year-old is a maverick who has earned the ire of many rank-and-file Republicans. The simmering anger toward the senator on the part of Pennsylvania conservatives is very similar to the way Javits' critics felt about him.

But the needs of the White House have made Specter's survival an issue, which has caused even some conservatives who despise Specter to pause. President Bush wants Specter on the ballot with him in November to help him win the battleground state of Pennsylvania.

And the Republican leadership of the Senate, including Pennsylvania's own junior senator, Rick Santorum, also support Specter. Though he doesn't share their conservative ideology, Specter's still considered the best bet to hold on to the seat against Democratic nominee Rep. Joseph Hoeffel in November.

NOT YOUR 'AVERAGE JOE'
Pat Toomey may be as much of an unknown to voters as D'Amato was, but unlike that New York street fighter, he's no "Average Joe." Educated at Harvard and a veteran of the world of international finance, the 42-year-old Toomey could best be described as a policy wonk. Ask him to contrast his stands on foreign policy with those of Specter, and you get a treatise on post-Cold War diplomacy. Ask him about Specter's ability to get Pennsylvania its share of Washington's political pork allocations, and you get a dissertation about inefficient economic models. It's impressive, but Toomey's no tough guy.

On the other hand, Specter — though he remains the same high-handed and not particularly loveable character who has been stepping on political toes since the early 1960s — is not taking the primary for granted. He remembers what happened to Jack Javits, and readily cited in an interview the similar fates suffered by other Senate GOP liberals, like Edward Brooke of Massachusetts and Clifford Case of New Jersey, whose political scalps were collected by conservative challengers.

Specter has a huge advantage in money raised over Toomey, and unlike those fallen moderates, isn't waiting until the fall to spend it. Those who have heard the challenger speak generally come away impressed, but Specter's ability to define his opponent as a nut could sink Toomey.

But, like Javits in 1980, this is the man's first serious primary challenge. Despite his flat presentation, Toomey speaks to the guts of most GOP'ers who like his hard-line stands against spending and taxes, even if his rigid opposition to pork-barrel bills may not seem realistic.

Specter may be right when he says that Toomey makes Santorum "look like a liberal." But what he forgets is that such a label is not an insult to a lot of the folks who vote in Republican primaries.

That's why Specter launched a campaign to get registered Democrats — especially Jews — to change over to the Republicans so they could vote for him. But no matter how many Democrats flipped, they're probably still outnumbered by conservatives, who have been itching for a shot at knocking off Specter.

Though the Jewish vote probably isn't a significant factor in the GOP primary, Toomey does stress his support for Israel and his opposition to what he calls Specter's "multilateral globalist" foreign policy. Specter has answered by citing his own long record of support for the Jewish state — and Toomey's votes against some foreign-aid spending for Israel (which the congressman defends as opposition to spending in general) — as well as his right-wing stands on social issues.

Specter's dilemma is that some Republicans resent the senator's foreign-policy freelancing, such as his relationship with the Assad family of Syria, as much as others are bitter about his opposition to the nomination of Robert Bork to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Specter may think Bush is a better judge of who is a loyal Republican than Toomey, but it's an open question as to whether GOP voters share this realpolitik approach.

Specter is not going down without a fight, but those of his fans who think Toomey doesn't have a chance to win are kidding themselves. The problem for Specter is no different than that faced by Javits in 1980. Are enough of the people who support him — as opposed to those who share his party affiliation, but not his ideas — able to vote to keep him in the Senate?

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JWR contributor Jonathan S. Tobin is executive editor of the Philadelphia Jewish Exponent. Let him know what you think by clicking here. In June, Mr. Tobin won first places honors in the American Jewish Press Association's Louis Rapaport Award for Excellence in Commentary as well as the Philadelphia Press Association's Media Award for top weekly columnist. Both competitions were for articles written in the year 2002.

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