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Jewish World Review March 7, 2000 /30 Adar I, 5760
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http://www.jewishworldreview.com --
SEN. JOHN MCCAIN was wearing his cocky, flying-ace grin
when he rose a few weeks ago to address the
Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish
Organizations. He left 90 minutes later looking slightly
shell-shocked. What happened in between was an object
lesson in the pitfalls of campaigning for Jewish votes in
the new millennium. Especially if you're a Republican.
Like most Republicans who address Jewish audiences,
McCain talked foreign policy. He knew his domestic
ideas wouldn't win friends there. So he hammered a pet
theme, that the Clinton administration has pursued a
"feckless, photo-op-driven foreign policy."
No applause came. This crowd doesn't kvell over
Clinton's peacemaking. When question-time came, eight
of the 11 questioners offered thinly veiled attacks on the
peace process. Why give money to the terrorist Arafat?
Why trust the dictator Assad? What about Hamas?
McCain fielded them gamely, but with apparent surprise.
One questioner, Orthodox leader Mandell Ganchrow,
asked how anyone could consider trading strategic
Golan terrain for mere technological safeguards.
McCain's reply: "I'm not smart enough to know exactly
what technology we have to know about, and I would
leave it to the experts -- especially the Israeli military."
It was a jarring sight, an Arizona gentile lecturing Jewish
community leaders on Israeli military know-how.
McCain's problem was more subtle, though. He wasn't
there to study leadership. He was trolling for Jewish
votes. That's always a tricky endeavor for GOP
candidates. Committed Jewish Republicans are
perhaps 15 percent of the overall Jewish population.
Reaching beyond them usually means wooing Middle
East hawks -- Orthodox Jews, defense buffs, hardcore
Zionists -- by painting Democrats as weak-kneed
peaceniks.
Without those hawks, though, you're trapped at 15
percent. What's a Republican to do?
The Republicans' Jewish dilemma echoes their larger
quandary this year. They need to reach out to the center
without alienating their conservative base. Yet whenever
they feint to one side, they're burned on the other.
The quandary is built into the American primary system
and afflicts both parties. The Republicans have it worse
this year, though. Their two main candidates have come
to embody the conflicting impulses, making the primary
battle a seeming war of Light and Darkness. George W.
Bush, the party establishment candidate, supposedly
represents hardcore Christian conservatism. Insurgent
McCain is appealing to Democrats and independents.
This worries party regulars. Bush looks more and more
the rabid partisan as time goes on. McCain, meanwhile,
is drawing people who never before voted in primaries.
Bush will probably win the nomination in July, given party
politics. But his very victory, despite McCain's popularity,
could infuriate those newcomers who thought they were
finally making a difference. Picture Prague, 1968.
It's not terribly fair, of course. McCain is at least as
conservative as Bush, on issues from abortion rights to
the environment. As for tolerance and inclusiveness,
McCain's chosen themes, it's Bush who actually built a
career around them. Bush, in fact, reportedly plans to be
the first president to put blacks in both top foreign policy
posts -- Colin Powell as secretary of state and campaign
aide Condoleeza Rice as national security adviser.
That, at least, is the lament of mainstream Jewish
Republicans these days, as they survey the charred
landscape of their primary season. Jewish backing for
Republicans could drop to historic lows this fall.
"There's a concern that it's having a political impact,
yes," says Mayor Norm Coleman of St. Paul, Minn., a
Jewish Republican who chairs Bush's Minnesota
campaign. "The nature of politics is that you try to push
your opponents off to an extreme. But that's not who
George W. Bush is. This Jewish Republican is very
comfortable with George Bush, and my landsmen should
be just as comfortable."
Not everyone is listening. Inquiries around the country
suggest an odd division among Jewish Republicans. In
the East, Jewish GOP donors and shakers are generally
sticking with Bush. In California, by contrast, "they're
moving over to McCain in large numbers," says Jayne
Shapiro, a Republican who's running for state Assembly
from the heavily Democratic west side of Los Angeles.
"A lot of people are frustrated with Bush and where he
stands."
Neoconservative Jewish intellectuals are also splitting
down the middle. Reagan-era defense hawks like
Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz have signed with
Bush, giving his team an unexpectedly pro-Israel tilt.
Domestic policy wonks, led by Bill Kristol and his Weekly
Standard crew, are backing McCain. McCain's foreign
policy team has strikingly few Jewish neocons, relying
instead on an odd melange of fading Republican stars,
like Henry Kissinger and Jeanne Kirkpatrick, and
Carter-era retreads like James Schlesinger and
Zbigniew Brzinski.
Is there any hope for Jewish Republicans this fall?
Surprisingly, yes. Hardcore Jewish hawks seem angry
enough at the Clinton administration over its peace
policies to vote for just about anyone who isn't a
Democrat, to punish Clinton. "We've seen Clinton's
pressures on Israel," says Orthodox leader Ganchrow.
"Since becoming vice president, Al Gore has been very
closely aligned with Clinton's record. The big question is,
how much of that is really Gore and how much is the
pressure of being vice president?"
Hardcore hawks make up about 10 percent of the
Jewish vote. Bush won't draw them, given his family
name. If it's McCain, though, a few careful words about
moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem could deliver
them en bloc. Add mainstream Jewish Republicans, plus
the 5 percent who once voted Perot, and McCain could
reach 30 percent of the Jewish vote. That's about as high
as Republicans go.
Will it make a difference? You bet. Jewish voters will
number about 3 million out of some 100 million votes
total. Thirty percent of that is just under a million votes.
That's enough to put the grin back on any flyboy's
By J. J. Goldberg
Still, he allowed, Clinton deserves credit for "the glaring,
wonderful exceptions of Northern Ireland and the Middle
East." In Middle East peacemaking, "all of us are very
proud of the progress made," he said, pausing for
applause.
Lately that ploy is getting even trickier. With Israel
preparing for sweeping concessions, courting the hawks
amounts to dissing the Israeli government. That could
offend the other 90 percent of the Jews, mainline
Republicans included. It also risks appearing reckless
and irresponsible, which presidential candidates hate to
do.
McCain, by contrast, voted for Kenneth Starr's
impeachment of Bill Clinton. But no matter. McCain has
Bush painted into a corner.
JWR contributor J.J. Goldberg is the author of Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish
Establishment. Send your comments to him by clicking here.
